Unit 2 Topic 2.7

Forgetting and Other Memory Challenges

every concept, applied

4 min readfreeNot practiced

Forgetting is not one thing. Sometimes information never got in, sometimes it is stored but blocked, and sometimes it is still there but has been quietly rewritten. Knowing which is which is what the exam asks, and it matters well beyond the exam: courts convict people on memories.

The forgetting curve

A line graph of Ebbinghaus's 1885 results. The vertical axis is savings, the percent of the original learning time saved when he relearned a list of nonsense syllables. Savings were 58.2% after 20 minutes, 44.2% after 1 hour, 35.8% after about 9 hours, 33.7% after 1 day, 27.8% after 2 days, 25.4% after 6 days and 21.1% after 31 days. The curve drops steeply in the first hours and then levels into a slow tail. Time is on a square-root scale so both parts show.
Figure 1. Ebbinghaus's results: savings after each delay. LevlPrep original diagram.

In the 1880s Hermann Ebbinghaus memorized lists of nonsense syllables (like DAX and BOK) and measured how much faster he could relearn them after different delays (Ebbinghaus, 1885). The result was the forgetting curve: he lost much of a list within the first hour, then forgot more and more slowly; after a month, something was still saved. A 2015 replication by Murre and Dros found the same shape. The curve is why the spacing effect and retrieval practice matter: each review lifts memory back up and makes the next drop slower.

Why we forget

Encoding failure. Information that was never attended to was never stored. Most people cannot draw the front of a penny accurately, though they have handled thousands, because they never encoded the details.

Interference. Other learning gets in the way of retrieval.

Two rows on a timeline from old learning on the left to new learning on the right. Top row, proactive interference: an arrow points forward from the old learning (last year's locker code) to the new learning (this year's locker code); the old code keeps coming out, so old learning blocks new. Bottom row, retroactive interference: an arrow points backward from the new learning (French words this year) to the old learning (Spanish words from 9th grade); the new French words crowd out the Spanish, so new learning blocks old.
Figure 2. Proactive interference points forward in time; retroactive points backward. LevlPrep original diagram.
Proactive interferenceRetroactive interference
What blocks whatold learning blocks newnew learning blocks old
Directionforward (pro)backward (retro)
Exampleyou keep writing last year's date in Januaryafter learning French, your old Spanish words are harder to find

A trick: ask which memory you are trying to get. If you want the new one and the old one intrudes, it is proactive. If you want the old one and the new one intrudes, it is retroactive.

Retrieval failure. In the tip-of-the-tongue phenomenon, you are sure you know a word, you may even recall its first letter or number of syllables, but you cannot produce it. It often pops up later, which shows it was stored all along.

Repression. The psychodynamic perspective, from Freud, says the mind protects itself by pushing anxiety-provoking memories out of awareness. Know the idea, and know its standing: most memory researchers find little good evidence for it. People who live through trauma usually remember it too well, not too little.

Memory is rebuilt, not replayed

Each time you recall an event, you rebuild it from stored pieces, filling the gaps with what you expect and what you have learned since. This is constructive memory (also called reconstructive memory). It is efficient, but it means memories can change without your noticing.

In a classic experiment (Loftus & Palmer, 1974), 150 students watched a film of a car accident. A week after being asked how fast the cars were going when they "smashed into" each other, 16 of 50 students (32%) said they had seen broken glass; after "hit", 7 of 50 (14%); with no speed question, 6 of 50 (12%). There was no broken glass. This is the misinformation effect: misleading information after an event gets blended into the memory. It has been replicated many times and is one reason police are trained to ask open, non-leading questions.

Worked example: a misinformation result, part by part. Using the Loftus and Palmer numbers above.

Method: the researchers changed the verb (manipulated a variable) and compared groups, so it is an experiment.

Measure (operational definition): whether a student answered "yes" to "Did you see any broken glass?" one week later.

Result in words: about a third of the smashed group (32%) reported glass, more than twice the hit group (14%) and the control group (12%).

What it shows: the word "smashed" added a false detail to students' memory of the crash, which supports the misinformation effect.

Two more ways memories go wrong:

  • Source amnesia (source misattribution): you remember the information but not where it came from. You tell a story as if it happened to a friend, but you read it online, or you remember a "childhood memory" that is really from a family photo.
  • Imagination inflation: repeatedly imagining an event makes it feel familiar, and familiarity is mistaken for memory. In studies, adults asked to imagine childhood events several times grow more confident that those events happened.

Together these can produce false memories: confident, detailed memories of things that did not happen. Researchers have led some adults to "remember" being lost in a shopping mall as a child after relatives "confirmed" it.

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